The following is the first part in a two-part series by Gladwyn Simmons. The articles address some of the key issues facing Bermuda. The second part will be in Tuesday’s paper.

The generic terms “the high price of change” and “Bermuda’s delicate balance” are expressions that I’ve heard all my life. And several years ago I reluctantly came to understand, respect and actually accept these terms as being true to word.

The reality and meaning of these terms have now taken full effect in Bermuda’s daily life — just like a very early morning wake-up call while you’re still struggling to recover from last night’s party hangover. But unlike the title of the famous song by the late Hubert Smith, Bermuda “WAS” another world.

Today, Bermuda has its back up against the economic wall in a seemingly very perplexing “Catch-22 dilemma”, locked between a rock and a hard place.

This reminds me of the biblical story about Solomon when he had the arduous task of determining the rightful parent of a child that would have most certainly been destroyed if left alone to the warring parties to deliberate and sort it out. Therefore now, in light of Bermuda’s current economic circumstances, my legitimate concern is whether or not there is a Solomon in the house.

My earlier strained resistance to embrace the above generic terms was fuelled by what I saw when people in power and high places used obvious racial circumstances and social economic conditions as tools to further entrench and maintain an unjust status quo.

I struggled to be patient with their apparent insensitivity towards achieving the best possible transitional approaches for the implementation of positive social and economic reform, whilst preserving Bermuda’s delicate balance.

However, I also became increasingly aware of the devious approaches employed by the government and their managers, which only served to compound the resentment, mistrust and hostility within the workers.

So it’s no surprise to me — even in this modern time of 2015 — that the mistrust between certain segments of Bermudians is as deep and wide as it has ever been, even as the Titanic sinks.

At this point, I feel that I need to declare that I am a student of natural history, and for the purpose of this story the criteria for “natural history” simply means the other half of the story that’s never been told.

To help illustrate my point, I will use my work experience at the KEMH in 1981 (a very historical and watershed year in industrial relations) as a kitchen worker, leader and president of the BIU hospital division.

Question: can anyone tell me how many times the year 1981 has been used or mentioned to mark a very clear and distinct reference point in Bermuda’s racially polarised industrial history. I will bet you will be surprised. The 1981 strike was a huge racial statement by any standard. Yet so very little real conversation, understanding or — even more curiously — no study about its obvious social impact and the implications it had for what was Bermuda’s number one industry at the time has been commissioned.

And why would the government of the day — and its successors — feel the need to suppress such vitally important information, particularly since the general strike was deemed to be illegal by most people representing government and the business community — with particular responsibility placed on the BIU?

Furthermore, the claims that the 1981 strike devastated our number one industry at the time — tourism — have never been substantiated although this convenient excuse continues to be proclaimed as a justification for our continuing decline.

Yes, the BIU was taken to court by the HEB. And yes, the BIU won the case in the wake of 3,000 hotel workers being fired … but no study. It’s strange to say the least!

The controversial community lawyer Julian Hall, at the height of his professional career, was recruited to defend the BIU. In Supreme Court he made it clear that the strike was not the responsibility of the BIU and that an “invisible force” — ie an energy separate and apart from the BIU — was to blame. Could this defence be the reason why the Cabinet records of that time were placed under a thirty year government official secrets act? If so, why?

It’s no wonder that we need PATI legislation, which in simple terms means that the people have a right to know. The stage is set.

For me, this whole situation qualifies my point on government’s tendency to be devious towards the workers.

The government of the day and their representatives showed no reservation in 1981 about using tactics that incorporated malicious emotional blackmail on the workers feelings. They aggressively resorted to playing mind games designed to generate guilt and dissension within the ranks of the workers. Why? All we were looking for was a decent wage to cope with the financial realities of life?

Big people should well know by now that it is next to impossible to have a war without “casualties”. The workers know this all too well. But government also got their feelings hurt badly in 1981, real bad. At that time, Sir John Swan was the labour minister. So how much responsibility did he have in the labour disaster? Why would Sir David Gibbons feel the need to step down (resign)? Did he mismanage 1981? If not, then why did he resign?

And what do you think the reverse payback was? How many of the 3,000 employees fired from all the hotels were of African descent? I’ll tell you why tourism consistently declined after 1981 year after year: because payback is a b****. Where’s the study? What national issues are significant enough to constitute a royal commission if not the 1981 strike?

Management would persistently and consistently remind the workers at every possible point along the 1981 negotiations that we were supposed to be “there for the patients”. This condescending attitude prevailed, even while many if not all the workers at any given time had a member or members of their family being cared for at the hospital. As such, we didn’t need reminding about patient care.

Moreover, KEMH was always being praised for its excellent standards and its performance in all areas of service — in spite of the fact that it was the only hospital in Bermuda.

With all the games being played over the years, the only thing that people shouldn’t be surprised about now is being surprised about our political immaturity. It’s time to grow up Bermuda.

GLADYWN S SIMMONS

UNITY IN THE COMMUNITY

WORLD VIBE, FIGHTING WITH

PEACE AND NOT FOR IT