Published June 6, 2003

THE LIBERATION School run by the militant Black Beret Cadre (BBC) during the early 1970s as an afterschool centre for children indoctrinated toddlers with the precepts of Black Power militarism and Communism, "sowing the seeds of violent revolution in the nursery bed of the future", according to an analysis of its techniques conducted by British security services.

Teachers at the Liberation School on Court Street taught children between the ages of eight and 12 to memorise nursery rhymes with reworked lyrics advocating insurrection, including a variation on Mary Had A Little Lamb which began: "Mary had an M16 (machine gun)/Its barrel as black as coal . . ."

In an intelligence report on Bermuda's volatile internal security situation compiled by Government House for the British Foreign & Commonwealth Office in February 1971, Governor Lord Martonmere rued that the "slow but inexorable and irrepressible expansion" of the Black Beret Cadre could have a profound longterm impact on Bermuda's future stability.

He cited the Liberation School as an example of the "Jekyll and Hyde nature" of the Cadre, which undertook the quiet but industrious dissemination of sometimes sedititious political propaganda on the one hand while simultaneously choreographing violent confrontation with the police and authority on the other ? usually keeping itself at one-remove from the scene of the fighting.

"The Cadre's Liberation Classes are now held weekly," Martonmere said in a secret report forwarded to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London. "They are attended by between 25 and 30 youngsters between the ages of eight and 12.

"With the chanting of anti-white slogans, the indoctrination of racial hatred is even more intense than hitherto and it is disturbing to contemplate the effect this will have on race relations in years to come. Even today it is an unhappy thought that these children are not waifs and strays collected from the streets but are attending the classes with the full knowledge and consent of their parents."

The "Liberation School" was established in the basement of Black Beret Cadre offices in the Bassett Building on Court Street. The stated intent was to teach children African culture and history and dance.

But the after-school programme was rapidly radicalised and racialised, the intent being to produce the "Black Berets' answer to the Hitler Youth" in Martonmere's words, "the shock troops of the next generation."

"The term 'pig' in its racial sense has also been introduced into the children's vocabulary and is used as a prefix to surnames whenever a person representing authority is mentioned," Martonmere reported. "It is particularly significant that the children concerned take their 'song sheets' home with them.

"So far there has been no complaint from parents. They may not be fully aware of what their children are being taught but it seems more likely they either condone this particular BBC activity or are afraid to complain."

Reports of the Liberation School classes were passed on by the Foreign & Commonwealth Office to British intelligence for analysis, which concluded the Berets were using "crude but nevertheless effective indoctrination techniques, equal parts propaganda and brainwashing.

Not a healthy development at all when very young children are involved. Sad. It's an attempt to sow the seeds of violent revolution in the nursery bed of the future."

The Black Beret Cadre, a secretive militant organisation, was founded in the aftermath of a Caribbean-region Black Power conference convened in Bermuda in 1969 by then Progressive Labour Party Parliamentarian Dr. Roosevelt Brown (now Dr. Pauulu Kamarakafego).

Its founder and leader was the late John Hilton (Dionne) Bassett.

Originally one of several Bermuda para-military groups pursuing similar radical agendas, the Cadre was by far the best organised and longest lived.

It was also extremely well funded, the sources of its financing never formally identified but long suspected by the British intelligence community to be Communist Cuba.

Although its active membership was never more than one hundred, its influence was entirely disproportionate to its numbers given the Cadre's steely dedication to the tenets of the American Black Panther movement (defined by founded Stokeley Carmichael as "the complete tearing down and obliteration of white civilisation") and what was then called Third World Socialism (personified by the Martinique-born, Algerian-based revolutionary Frantz Fanon, an apostle of armed confrontation with the status quo: "Colonialism is not a thinking machine nor a body endowed with reasoning faculties. It is violence in its natural state and will only yield when confronted with greater violence ...")

Between 1969 and the early 1970s the Black Beret Cadre choreographed a sometimes high-intensity guerrilla warfare-style campaign to destabilise the Bermuda Government.

In 1970/1971, the highwater mark of Black Beret Cadre activity, the island had been transformed into what was essentially a 21-square-mile free-fire zone.

The year was marked by the bombing of Old Devonshire Church ? an unprecedented act of desecration ? arson attacks on office buildings, warehouses and supermarkets throughout Bermuda and a spate of shooting incidents, some involving the use of automatic weapons.

An attempt was also made to torch the House of Assembly and a then PLP MP with ties to the Cadre was the prime police suspect in that botched attack, although he was never charged.

Between January and October, 1970 a series of mini-riots in and around Hamilton effectively merged into one another, becoming an extended running street battle between police and rioters.

By October, 1970 British Foreign Secretary Alex Douglas Home considered cancelling a trip to Bermuda by Prince Charles because of "strong fears relayed by impeccable sources" that the Black Beret Cadre might attempt to either assassinate or kidnap the heir to the throne.

There were fears in British security circles ("unproven and at the moment unproveable") that Cuban intelligence was at least partially responsible for funding Cadre activities in Bermuda.

At the time Cuba's Moscow-subsidised secret service was actively involved in a series of Cold War anti-British and anti-American destabilisation campaigns throughout the Caribbean and Central America.

The intent was to draw targeted countries into Havana's orbit ? and by extension into the Soviet camp.

Cuban funds ended up in the treasuries of militant fronts, trade unions and political parties in Grenada, Jamaica, Anguilla and British Guiana (now Guyana) during this period.

A British secret intelligence investigations into the source of Cadre funding revealed "indirect links" to non-Bermudian sources ? most likely Cuban.

"The establishment of a Cadre community centre (beneath its headquarters) poses the question of the source of funds: on the face of it, it seems unlikely that the members actively involved will be subscribing the kind of money which is required to keep an operation of this kind going," says a memorandum on the subject.

Although British intelligence believed "three or four sympathetic non-Bermudian church ministers" were funnelling some of their collections to the Cadre, they ruled out entirely the possibility that the Cadre was being funded by drug money ("On June 6, 1971 a discussion was held at BBC headquarters on the use of narcotics in Bermuda. It was suggested that people dealing in or supplying drugs be warned to cease or risk being dealt with by the Cadre.")

The British security team's analysis of Cadre strategy and tactics also concluded that some members in the leadership had likely been exposed to either formal or informal training in revolutionary warfare ("inciting violence without personal involvement would suggest that experienced hands are at the helm.").

In Bermuda, a 1971 Government House intelligence analysis came to similar, pessimistic conclusions about both the short- and long-term consequences of the Beret activities.

Martonmere pointed out that the militant organisation had seized the radical reformist initiative from an "ossified" Progressive Labour Party, which was not at the time pursuing constitutional, social or economic change through the political system with any particular vigour.

And as long as it was not directly linked to the violence it clandestinely fomented, the Cadre would likely find itself with a growing constituency among younger black Bermudians concluded Lord Martonmere.

"Owing to Progressive Labour Party quiescence, the Cadre appears to be the only organisation effectively fighting for so-called justifiable grievances and, whether or not this is the reason, there is no doubt that the middle class and even some of the intelligentsia are increasingly sympathetic," reported Martonmere.

"Much of this sympathy would evaporate were the Cadre again to resort to (overt) violence which threatened the standard of living of those now giving tacit support.

"This same sympathy does not, at present, extend to active participation but its effect would probably be in the form of non-cooperation with the authorities in reporting incidents or intimidation, in giving evidence or being impartial on juries.

"It would also make less acceptable any Government measures against the Cadre. It will be interesting, therefore, to see whether the Cadre has interpreted the situation similarly.

"Unfortunately, it has a propensity for inciting acts of violence without personal involvement and can provoke situations designed to achieve its objectives without blame attaching to it as an organisation, 'Open to it there still remain two courses of action ? violence or reason, either of which can be chosen at will.

"It has no political aspirations in the conventional sense: its philosophy is simply to control everything, first by destroying what exists and then by rebuilding in its own mould."

Martonmere believed that extremist elements within the PLP were courting the Cadre, seeking an alliance of convenience to pursue the political struggle through more direct means at the street level.

There were never any formal ties between the PLP and the Black Beret Cadre. An initially fiery and sometimes disruptive PLP Youth Wing had burnt itself out by the early 1970s, much to the relief of a party leadership which had no desire to see the party affiliated with any similar militant organisations.

However, some of the PLP's in-house radicals did open unofficial channels of communication with the Cadre ? low-key enough to provide these politicians with a certain degree of plausible deniability as to their ties with the Black Berets if the group was implicated in any crimes.

"Intelligence over the past two years suggests that the PLP has succeeded in its oft-repeated but unpublished wish to be spared the embarrassment of its over-enthusiastic Youth Wing and yet, at the same time, to wield a disruptive weapon in its battle on racial issues against the ruling party," says a Government House report dated February 15, 1971.

"Certainly nothing has been heard of the Youth Wing since the Cadre was formed and, in recent months, the PLP has been careful to remain reasonably aloof from the Cadre.

"Nonetheless, their aims and ambitions are sufficiently similar to be almost certain of an unholy alliance between the two.

"It is a matter for conjecture on the dog-wag-tail principle whether, to their own advantage, the PLP can harness the Cadre or whether the Cadre will assume an independent role.

"Even at the moment the PLP has no control and can only hope, probably with good chances of success, to influence the Cadre through the efforts of Roosevelt Brown."

Martonmere went on to say that Cadre penetration of the Bermuda Regiment ? which had resulted in a purge of compromised soldiers in 1970 ? had been largely curtailed.

Warwick Camp had been reformed to not only place greater emphasis on internal security training so soldiers could back up police in event of rioting but also to better secure its arsenal.

"Ceremonial and rifle training will continue but less emphasis will be placed on traditional infantry tactics and grenade training, for example, will be abandoned altogether," the Governor noted, expressing a widespread fear that Warwick Camp was unwittingly being used for training ? and weaponry ? that could be put to use in Beret-led urban guerrilla warfare.

"Security checking on recruitment, introduced experimentally this year, may not be entirely foolproof but it will improve the standard and, I was conscious of an air of enthusiasm and high morale when I visited the Regiment a few weeks ago."

Martonmere was bitterly disappointed by the unwillingness of some Bermudian authorities to take concerted action against the Beret leadership while it was actively pursuing what amounted to an ongoing terrorist campaign.

"It is one of the less satisfying aspects of the Bermuda scene that some members of the community, including senior civil servants, are reluctant to be seen to take action which might make them unpopular with the more militant youth," he said.

"This is partly a consequence of living on a small island but it is also a reminder of the influence that a small but subversive organisation like the Black Beret Cadre can exercise through fear."

By the beginning of 1971 London had come to share Government Houses concerns that the Cadre had attained a previously unknown level of sophistication.

Court action taken against some leading members had only strengthened their resolve while making them into political martyrs in the eyes of middle-class black Bermudians who had previously ignored their activities.

"The organisation's methods are becoming more purposeful," reads an internal Foreign & Commonwealth Office memorandum. "The rabble-rousing activities of previous months have now been replaced by cool, systematic, well-planned operations ...

"Efforts to discredit the police are well thought out and there is a danger that these might have far-reaching effects if the internal security situation should deteriorate. The BBC efforts to infiltrate the prisons and schools give cause for particular concern . . .

"A fairly professional manifesto has now been produced by the Cadre and circulated... Sympathy for the Cadre is now fairly widespread and this is a development which is giving the United Bermuda Party some cause for concern.

"Racial tension will likely escalate to flash point unless urgent action is taken by the Bermuda Government." London viewed the situation as serious and potentially explosive.

British Foreign Secretary Alec Douglas Home was given a long briefing on Bermuda's internal security situation in May, 1971 by senior Foreign & Commonwealth Office civil servants and a series of proposed counter-measures intended to dilute Beret influence were discussed.

By the summer of 1971 the semi-underground Beret newsletter had attained a circulation of more than 2,000 copies per issue; meetings of the Beret hardcore were taking place up to three times a week ("there have been the usual discussions on revolution (but) the most popular subject has been the idea of forming secret cells of the Cadre to attack individuals described as 'enemies' or their homes");

and rallies were being held at Victoria Park (informally renamed Malcolm X Memorial Park for the occasions) during which authority figures were verbally brutalised (on February 16, 1971, for instance, then Police Commissioner George Duckett was decried as "a mercenary and a killer who has virtually a free hand in suppressing black people and who, despite being a mercenary, was efficient and planned his moves in advance"; Duckett was murdered at his house on September 9, 1971, his confessed killer Beret hanger-on Erskine Durrant Buck Burrows).

The idea of creating a revolutionary Beret flying-squad ? with the capability to strike at will across the island ? was implemented in May, 1971 with the formation of a self-styled Defence Unit.

"The basic unit has six members with provision for increased numbers depending on demand or circumstances," reads a now declassified Bermuda Police intelligence report dated July, 1971.

"The six members are split up into cells of two and each cell has a specific responsibility for one of the following: communications, information and what is referred to as 'mobility' (an attack capability). Beret Red (pseudonymn) has issued each cell member with a list of instructions and responsibilities.

"These include providing security for all Cadre equipment and property, guarding public or private meetings and functions, guarding BBC headquarters against police raids or patrols, obtaining information and the maintenance of weapons, e.g. machetes, billy clubs and knives.

"Beret Red has made reference to paragraphs from the Mini-Manual of the Urban Guerilla by Varlos Marighella.

The paragraphs referred to by Beret Red were headed 'Characteristics of the Urban Guerilla Technique', Desertions, Diversions, Seizures, Expropriations of Arms, Ammunition, Explosives' and 'Sabotage'."

"Although this unit has been formed there appears to be a decided lack of interest on the part of its members. The group has held only one meeting since its formation and on that occasion only three of its members turned up.

"At this stage the capability of the unit s extremely suspect." However, just as it seemed the Cadre was developing into a significant para-military force, internal dissent within the organisation brought its rapid advance to an abrupt halt.

There were a series of disagreements concerning the organisation's agenda and techniques, heated arguments between the Cadre leadership and its foot soldiers sometimes reaching the boiling point at meetings.

"Morale has suffered during the review period as the result of several acts and omissions on the part of members," says a police intelligence report compiled in July 1971.

"Beret Red (a pseudonym) expressed dismay and disgust when none of his Defence Unit members turned up for a prearranged, second meeting and this, accentuated by what appeared to be a general lack of interest from members, prompted Beret Red to call a special general meeting of all BBC members to discuss and determine why this state of affairs prevailed.

"Members were told they could talk freely. Accusations were then made on the superior attitude of the executive committee and complaints were voiced over the treatment of the rank-and-file. Beret Blue was singled out as exemplifying arrogance towards members.

"The meeting then developed into a shouting match and two members stated their intention of resigning. References were also made to the (more inflammatory sections) of the BBC manifesto and the message it gave to the public.

"A member accused the BBC executive of distorting the facts all throughout the BBC manifesto and selling falsehoods to the public, although he later apologised for this statement. But his allegation was echoed by Beret Gold, who urged the members to be more truthful."

At another Beret gathering in the summer of 1971, conflicting views on whether the Cadre should pursue a path of violence or work within the political system to bring about meaningful change resulted in a near fist-fight between some members and the hard-line executive committee.

There was also quarrelling between the PLP and the BBC at this juncture, the Beret leadership bridling at the prospect of being used as a cat's-paw by armchair revolutionaries in the political party.

"The PLP is on the receiving end of criticism from the BBC," reads another declassified police report. "Beret Black, who read selected passages from a book by Frantz Fanon (The Wretched of the Earth) to BBC members at one meeting, is reported to have said the PLP should get out and find the needs of the masses instead of sitting on the fence while the BBC did all the work.

"He also said that while the PLP had some talented people they were too busy becoming capitalists while others were only active during election time or when a situation they could exploit came about.

"(PLP MP and future Opposition Leader) Freddy Wade was praised as a 'worker' while Roosevelt Brown was castigated for 'taking trips' or 'just driving around all day'."

This internal discord was noted with some satisfaction by the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London ("The one encouraging development is that there now appears to be some argument within the BBC about whether they should pursue a policy of advocating violence as an effective means of achieving change").

By the end of the year, Beret activities had tailed off significantly.

Its attempts to inflitrate the Bermuda public school system and the prisons ? where the Berets believed they would find eager new recruits ? had, in fact, failed to win many converts ("Some of the brighter schoolchildren they have approached question the maturity of the Beret leadership," a police report notes).

And the convulsive orgy of Beret-inspired violence that had wracked the island throughout 1971 ended as suddenly as it had started.

Only the Liberation School classes were continuing on a regular basis by December, 1971. Female Beret Pink (pseudonymn) was deemed "the most effective "teacher" by police.

"She continues to teach the children racial ? and violent ? songs and slogans," said a now declassified Bermuda Police intelligence report. "It is reported that Female Beret Pink gives children posters of Dionn Bassett, Beret Red and Beret Black and tells them to hang them over their beds.

"The children have been told by Female Beret Pink not to talk to policemen but to walk away if they are approached; the use of the prefix 'pig' has become standard when she refers to persons of authority.

"The number of children attending the classes has risen to between 35-40 and indications are that the type of instruction given is enthusiastically received... Female Beret Pink is clearly a continuing source of concern."

PHOTO Front-page coverage in The Royal Gazette of the 1970 bombing of Old Devonshire Church and (inset) then Governor Lord Martonmere Former PLP leader Frederick Wade: Praised Roosevelt Brown (now Dr. Pauulu Kmarakafego): Castigated