MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Mogadishu’s new Islamist leaders are bending over backwards to reassure the West and present a moderate image after they kicked out US-backed warlords who ran the Somali capital for 16 years.But the friendly overtures may not tell the full picture, and the unusual calm they have brought to war-weary Mogadishu is a fragile one, Somalis and analysts warn. The Islamists are not homogenous and more radical members biting their tongues may become prominent again. Divisions among the new rulers could emerge now their common enemy is defeated.

The Islamic Courts Union (ICU) has sent conciliatory letters to the United States and international community, showered hospitality on foreign journalists visiting Mogadishu at their invitation, and repeatedly denied links to extremists.

“We have no enemies, no hidden agenda,” ICU chairman Sheikh Sharif Ahmed told Western reporters before sharing a meal of roasted goat meat round a simple table in the town of Jowhar, which the Islamists took just a few days before.

Islamists from the wealthier and more moderate Abgal clan <\m> to which Ahmed and his business supporters belong <\m> have the upper hand at the moment. But others from the more radical Ayr clan, such as Sheikh Yusuf Indahabde who runs the southern Merca region, are an important component of the Islamist leadership.

At the meeting with journalists in Jowhar, Indahabde’s body language and tone were noticeably less friendly, and he shot back questions: “Have you seen a terrorist anywhere in Mogadishu? Why do the West say we are terrorists?”

While Ahmed shared a table with an American woman photographer, whose face was uncovered, Indahabde did not join lunch, appearing to abide by conservative Muslim precepts on the separation of sexes. Analysts believe a power struggle is inevitable. “All these different factions among the Islamic courts, militia and businessmen united against a common enemy: the warlords,” said one local analyst, who asked not to be named. “But the tensions among them are too great. I think we will see them divide very soon.”

On the evidence of recent days, however, the Islamists are fast finding other possible enemies to unite against: Somalia’s interim government, and Horn of Africa regional power Ethiopia.

The sheikhs, who control a swathe of southern Somalia after pushing to other towns from Mogadishu, have asked for dialogue with the government of president Abdullahi Yusuf.

His administration, the 14th bid to restore central rule to Somalia since the 1991 ousting of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, is based in the provincial town of Baidoa but has no real power.

But the Islamic side is furious with the administration’s support for sending foreign peacekeepers to Somalia and its demand that the ICU recognises the government’s authority before entering negotiations, which Yemen has offered to host. The Islamists also say troops from neighbouring Ethiopia, a mainly Christian nation, are crossing into Somalia to back a potential push by Yusuf against the courts in Mogadishu.

“We are expecting more war. The sharia militia will not accept Abdullahi Yusuf’s government. And he will not accept the sharia courts’ rule,” said Amin Abullahi, a humanitarian worker in Mogadishu. “Let’s hope it will be the last war, too many have died.”

The Islamists deny accusations they plan Taliban-style rule. But there is some evidence on the ground of a shift towards more hardline religious practices and a less Western-friendly message.

“Democracy, go to the hell!” read one placard at a pro-Islamic demonstration. As well as trying to stop chewing of the popular and mildly narcotic qat leaf and stemming gun carrying, Islamic militiamen have been forcibly cutting hair, breaking up crowds watching the soccer World Cup, and imposing a stricter dress code on women.

“They are abusing the rights of the people,” said Abdi Fatah, 26, recounting how gunmen entered a cinema during the recent Mexico v Iran game, whipping some viewers with belts.