Part One of two

The recent Trailblazers Award to the Progressive Group was a noteworthy occasion; however, I discovered that the vast majority of Bermudians have no idea why Government regarded this event as such a big deal. Black Bermudians in general, including those responsible for their education, have not encouraged the younger generation to value our unique, even if painful, history. Despite information being so easily accessible through modern technology such as the computer, most Bermudians have felt no sense of urgency to find out how we have come to be where we are politically, socially and economically. Often it is because they do not wish to make white Bermudians uncomfortable. As a result the younger generation has taken for granted so much that an older generation sacrificed to attain.

A Christian Apologist has a programme titled ‘Let My People Think’. I find that title also most appropriate for my current discussions. Those who have heard or read my frequent comments on the history of black Bermudians may have sufficient knowledge to understand why the Progressive Group fought to rid Bermuda of segregation. Despite those who object to our discussing our past and so acknowledge those who made a difference, we should try to understand why they were as successful as they were in spite of the oppressive conditions and obstacles which they faced. It is often their lack of knowledge of the struggle against social injustices and the demeaning impact of segregation, as well as their ignorance concerning the courage and determination that it took for those that brought about change that causes the younger generation to be so smugly complacent and indifferent to the need to continue the struggle for a more just society.

During the 1950s and 1960s Bermuda went through rapid and significant changes in regard to the racist and repressive conditions imposed on the black community. In the 1950s in fact from 1834 from the moment of emancipation, blacks and whites were totally separated from their birth to their burial. Whites saw blacks as inferior. Blacks were not welcomed as equals in their churches. Blacks were excluded from their schools, their clubs and other institutions where whites were in control. This kind of exclusion extended to occupations and residential districts. Any contact between blacks and whites ensured that blacks were in a subordinate or demeaning role which stripped them of their human dignity.

Black doctors were not permitted to practice in the King Edward VII Hospital. Thus a black woman who had a black doctor during her pregnancy and then had to go to the hospital to deliver would have to suffer the indignity of having a white doctor at the time of delivery. If a black woman did have a white doctor throughout her pregnancy she would face the indignity of being restricted to a separate room that was reserved for blacks only. When these babies were ready for nursery or preschool and then elementary school they were in a totally segregated, and often substandard, environment. Early education, at the time, was often undertaken by private individuals or family members. When government did begin to take responsibility for Education, their primary political consideration was to educate blacks sufficiently to be useful in their service to and for whites and nothing beyond that. When blacks were ready for employment, they were prevented from holding any white collar jobs except those that serviced the black community such as teachers in black schools. Voting rights were restricted to land owners only and there was no protection against the exploitation of black labour.

Even in entertainment the policy was enforced. In movie houses, blacks were forced to sit downstairs or on the sides. Blacks were not permitted to play on the same tennis courts as whites. They could not eat in the same restaurants nor stay in the same hotels. The political structure which was a result of the legacy of slavery and this policy of segregation and exploitation meant that most blacks were without land. At the same time a large number of whites had land in more than one parish and often it was large enough to permit other whites to use it in order to vote on it, as a chattel mortgage.

One person might exercise multiple votes while others could not vote at all. Thus there were very few blacks in the House of Assembly and if they ever raised the issue of segregation they were labelled as troublemakers. It was with this society as a backdrop that, in 1959, the Progressive Group acted. They were a group of young blacks who had been fortunate enough to graduate from universities abroad. This experience had increased their sensitivity to the outrageous insults and humiliation inflicted on blacks.

There were four major problems that they faced: blacks were demeaned and humiliated by segregation. Blacks were politically powerless without the vote. Their majority status and their political interests and concerns were unrepresented among the decision makers. Finally, and of great importance, the legacy of slavery, the deliberate exploitation of their labour and their exclusion from any benefits of the society meant that there was an enormous economic disparity between the black community and their powerful white oppressors. All blacks were impacted by these problems, even if some were more than others. All whites benefited from the system even if they were neither employers nor politicians.

The Progressive Group began by sending out letters and putting up posters throughout the country, calling for a boycott of the theatres. They were anonymous. Their anonymous appeal to the black community was reinforced by the public appeal of such men as Kingsley Tweed and Comrade Richard Lynch. Their dramatic speeches and unflinching tactics encouraged and inspired a black community, almost all of whom were ready to respond because all of them were impacted by segregation. Within a few weeks segregation in public places was outlawed. There were specific reasons for the rapid successes of those who were powerless, without votes, and who could boast of little economically but who achieved their success without any violence.

Segregation was an issue, fundamental to the structure of society, which was of concern to all black people. The Progressive Group leadership was anonymous and therefore did not become an issue. It was also a multiple or plural leadership so that no one person alone could take all of the credit. The Progressive Group was a group but, in addition, they were supported in a very tangible manner by those who made public appeals and encouraged the crowds to act in a dignified manner. Then there were the black politicians who made it possible for the segregationist, together with the Governor, to find a way to act while attempting to save face. Under the pressure of the boycotting masses that had been inspired by the Progressive Group, who had selflessly and courageously, led the way, the House of Assembly had to debate the matter. A Committee was then set up which quickly decided to desegregate public places and to reopen the theatres which they had closed.

It was not surprising that having won a victory on such a fundamental issue as segregation, despite the relative political powerlessness of the black community, it was not long before an attempt was made to address the second important injustice: The very corrupt franchise whereby some had plural or multiple votes in several parishes, in theory a select few whites may have hundreds, in reality at least scores, while many blacks, having no land had not one vote.

In the struggle to address this corrupt franchise the initial leadership was by Wesley L (WL) Tucker, a rather conservative black Member of the Colonial Parliament (MCP). He did not ask for very much. He simply raised the issue of the numerous votes held by Bermuda’s powerful white elites. WL Tucker was made Chairman of a Select Committee to study the Parliamentary Election Act. That summer Roosevelt Brown returned to Bermuda from his travels abroad. When he learnt of the committee and the limited proposals being made by WL Tucker, he, to all intents and purpose, took on a leadership role by forming a committee to take the issue to the public. It would be true to say that, at the time, very few black Bermudians understood the concept of universal franchise. The committee, led by Roosevelt Brown, took their message to the public through public meetings throughout the country. The meetings were intended to both inform and educate the general population.

The black community quickly understood that whatever else universal franchise meant it was a challenge to the still largely segregated and exploitive political system. Once again it was a multiple or collective leadership whose only concern was the issue of the franchise, an issue that was of concern to all black Bermudians (and undoubtedly to some whites). Once again Roosevelt and his committee ensured that the meetings were both dignified and inclusive or democratic, with the deliberate intent of ensuring that the Opposition, or those that opposed the concept, were given an opportunity to voice their opinion. As the meetings went from parish to parish they gained a momentum that could not be ignored and the final meeting could boast of including representatives from every strata of the society, including those who could be considered the most important and influential.

Once again, under pressure from those without political power, the House of Assembly was forced to respond. They set up another committee and now believing that the issue had taken on an importance which it had not previously had, they attempted to remove WL Tucker, a black MCP, from the Chairmanship. He, unfortunately, had become ill while travelling abroad on Commonwealth business. At the same time Roosevelt Brown also left the country and so the leadership passed to others, Walter Robinson and Arnold Francis. They were two black MCPs who were also concerned about the franchise but as part of the political system themselves they were more conservative than Roosevelt Brown. Thus their method of leadership was more conservative. Nevertheless they, too, were committed to the cause which concerned the entire black community and to which the entire black community had given their support.

Perhaps because of their more conservative leadership, it was several years, or several elections before full universal franchise was achieved. But it was achieved and considering the potential impact that it could have on the political power structure, it was no small achievement for the black community which had so little political power. But they were unified, the cause was one that was important to all in the black community, the leadership had once again been collective, flexible enough to change, even in style, without that becoming of more importance than the issue itself. Even though the leadership had changed they all showed selflessness and the courage that was so necessary in the face of the opposition. It was a selflessness and courage that was a possible only because they all kept their eye on the goal that was of importance to the entire black Community.