Politics can highlight the most positive aspects of race relations in Bermuda.

But it also underlines the worst.

At a meeting in St. George's last week, the Penno's Wharf cruise ship terminal was packed with black and white Bermudians who came together as part of the St. George's Action Group to fight substance abuse.

Drugs and crime are hurting all Bermudians, regardless of race and class.

And with four St. George's area MPs -- two from each political party -- in supportive attendance -- the recently-formed group started a plan in motion to fight the problems.

But more common in Bermuda are incidents like these ones: In the House of Assembly, Mr. Ottiwell Simmons MP of the Progressive Labour Party told blacks in the United Bermuda Party they had received "a dishonourable discharge'' from the black race.

Mr. Simmons appeared to suggest not only that blacks should only support the Progressive Labour Party, but that only self-interest motivated those who did not.

Mr. Trevor Moniz MP argued against an Independence referendum, despite his belief that most Bermudians opposed it, because the issue would become "highly emotionally charged.'' There was no guaranteeing the outcome, because "they will attempt to equate Independence with emancipation,'' and "the end of apartheid in South Africa.'' Mr. Moniz appeared to play on a stereotype that blacks are driven by emotion, to the point that they would vote in favour of Independence against their better judgment.

Race permeates politics in Bermuda, with nearly all whites supporting the UBP and the majority of blacks voting for the PLP.

Even the large number of seats in the House of Assembly (40, compared to 24 in a much larger country like Barbados) and Bermuda's double-seat constituencies are related to race, as they help assure representation for Bermuda's white minority.

Race a factor in politics In a speech he gave in August of 1994, former Premier Sir John Swan singled out politics as an area in which "the partnership between blacks and whites has worked''. But has it? The UBP, which until recently was led by a black man, has always presented a bi-racial face, and a symbol the party has used is an image of two clasped hands, one black and one white.

While estimates vary of the size of black support for the UBP, there is no question that without it the party could not have retained power for more than 30 years.

But critics say that whites wield the economic power behind the party and call the shots.

The PLP has only one white MP and a dearth of white supporters. Critics, who noted party strategist Mr. Alex Scott's comment after the 1993 election that the party could bide its time until the next vote and Bermuda's shifting demographics would push it over the top, accuse the party of taking black voters for granted and failing to appeal to whites.

The PLP leadership -- which faces the challenge of a growing black professional and middle class with little reason to identify with a "labour'' party, says whites are free to join but racism apparently keeps them away.

The National Liberal Party has attracted blacks and whites who are unhappy with the two major parties but has not been able to attract a significant number of votes.

Race and politics intersect daily. As recently as Friday, PLP MPs charged that race was behind the decision to buy a vacant parcel of land in Paget for a new post office. But the 1993 general election and the recent Independence debate best illustrated how the dynamics of race and politics interact.

In both cases, voters were asked to decide issues not solely on their merits, but also on the basis of factors related to race.

In 1993, the PLP turned what has become known as the "fear factor'' in Bermudian politics to its advantage and came close to winning power for the first time.

At rallies and in door-to-door canvassing, blacks were told the UBP was saying the PLP could not run the Country because it was a black party. PLP speakers urged blacks to vote for them, "reclaim'' their country, and show that the UBP claim was a lie.

The UBP reacted to the strategy late in the campaign. The Premier at the time, Sir John Swan, began giving speeches in which he insisted it was the PLP's lack of experience, not the fact it was a mainly black party, which made it a poor choice to govern the Country.

The fear factor was highlighted in bizarre ways during the Independence debate -- an issue which split the UBP largely along racial lines.

After warning for years that a PLP Government would lead Bermuda into the unknown of Independence, the UBP leadership led Bermuda on an Independence quest after a general election campaign in which the issue was never mentioned.

During the turbulent debate, Cabinet Ministers like Mr. Quinton Edness highlighted Bermuda's stability by saying that the Island would be well-governed even in the event of a change of government -- a much different message than he had sent during the recent election.

When Sir John engaged in a public row with top banker and Front Street merchant Mr. Eldon Trimingham, a Government source said it was because he felt it would appeal to blacks he was hoping would resist PLP calls for a referendum boycott and vote for Independence.

Finally, as Sir John and other Ministers threatened to resign in the event of a `no' vote, they again raised the fear of a PLP Government -- but this time as a likely result if Bermudians did not vote `yes' to Independence.

Former Premier Sir John Swan -- Fear factor Mr. David Allen -- PLP's only white MP